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Γ. Σούρλας: Καλπάζει το λαθρεμπόριο καυσίμων

«Σε μια χρονική περίοδο που ο ελληνικός λαός υπο-
βάλλεται σε πρωτοφανείς θυσίες, τα κυκλώματα προ-
μήθειας νοθευμένων καυσίμων στις Ένοπλες Δυνάμεις
και το λαθρεμπόριο γενικώς καλπάζει». Τα παραπάνω
τονίζει σε δήλωσή του ο πρώην αντιπρόεδρος της Βου-
λής και πρώην βουλευτής της ΝΔ Γ. Σούρλας.
Ο ίδιος επισημαίνει ότι από επίσημα στοιχεία του
Υπουργείου Οικονομικών προκύπτει ότι:
-Το 2011 αυξήθηκαν οι παραβάσεις λαθραίας δια-
κίνησης καυσίμων. Από τους ελέγχους προέκυψε ότι
το 12%, που ήταν την τελευταία πενταετία, το 2011
ανήλθαν σε 14%.
-Διαπιστώθηκε ότι η λαθρεμπορία καυσίμων από
1.300.000 λίτρα, που ήταν κατά μέσο όρο το μήνα τα
τελευταία πέντε χρόνια, το 2011 ανήλθε σε 3.000.000
λίτρα το μήνα, δηλαδή σχεδόν τριπλασιάστηκε.
Δυστυχώς ασύδοτα δρουν τα κυκλώματα του λα-
θρεμπορίου, γιατί πέρα από τις φιλότιμες προσπάθειες
ορισμένων στελεχών των υπηρεσιών ελέγχου και δίω-
ξης, είναι εμφανές ότι δεν είναι στις προτεραιότητες
των εκάστοτε κυβερνόντων η πάταξή τους. Με βάση
τα παραπάνω ο κ. Σούρλας τονίζει: «Φαίνεται ότι οι
διαπλεκόμενοι διαθέτουν ισχυρούς μηχανισμούς δρά-
σης και πάρα πολλά χρήματα, αρκετά να εκμαυλίσουν
μεγαλοσχήμονες αξιωματούχους και να υποχρεώσουν
ακόμη και τους οικονομικούς εισαγγελείς σε παραί-
τηση. Αυτό άλλωστε προκύπτει και από το γεγονός
ότι, ενώ από πενταετίας και πλέον έχω δημοσιοποιήσει
επίσημα στοιχεία αναλύσεων νοθείας στα καύσιμα των
Ενόπλων Δυνάμεων και πρόσφατα επιβεβαιώθηκαν
και από το Υπουργείο Εθνικής Άμυνας, δυστυχώς τα
κυκλώματα συνεχίζουν να δρουν ανενόχλητα. Είναι
απαράδεκτο και εγκληματικό να περικόπτονται μισθοί
και συντάξεις για να καλυφθούν ανάγκες του προϋπο-
λογισμού με ποσά τα οποία θα μπορούσαν να εξοικο-
νομηθούν από την πάταξη της νοθείας και λαθρεμπο-
ρίας στα καύσιμα. Και μάλιστα όταν όλα αυτά συμβαί-
νουν από τους γνωστούς άγνωστους».

Θεσσαλικα Πρωτοχρονιάτικα έθιμα του λαού μας

* Του Απόστολου Ποντίκα,
δασκάλου, καθηγητή, πτυχ. Πολιτικών Επιστημών,
σχολικού συμβούλου

Τα Χριστούγεννα, η Πρωτοχρονιά και τα Φώτα είναι
χρονιάρες μέρες, γεμάτες από ήθη και έθιμα του λαού
μας.
Η Πρωτοχρονιά, ημέρα γιορτής του Μ. Βασιλείου,
είναι για το λαό μας σημαντική, αφού ο θυμόσοφος λα-
ός μας, έπλασε ποικίλα έθιμα και η Πρωτοχρονιάτικη
λαϊκή παράδοση ποικίλλει κυρίως στις αγροτικές πε-
ριοχές. Η 1η Ιανουαρίου σαν αρχή του χρόνου επικρά-
τησε να γιορτάζεται στη Ρώμη από το 48 π.Χ., την εποχή
του Καίσαρα και προσέλαβε αρκετά στοιχεία από τη
ρωμαϊκή γιορτή τα Σατουρνάλια. Από τότε και μετά, δέ-
χτηκαν την Πρωτοχρονιά όλοι οι λατινογενείς λαοί, κα-
θώς και οι ρωμαιοκρατούμενοι λαοί. Η Ορθόδοξη εκ-
κλησία και ιδιαίτερα στα χρόνια του Μ Κωνσταντίνου,
απαγόρευσε τους χριστιανούς να γιορτάζουν την Πρω-
τοχρονιά, όπως εκείνοι, χωρίς να πετύχει και πολλά
πράγματα.
Η περιοχή της Θεσσαλίας από τα χρόνια της σκλα-
βιάς, πρωτοστατούσε στα λαϊκά δρώμενα, τα οποία εί-
χαν ένα απώτερο στόχο: να ξεγελάσουν τους Τούρκους
και να συνεννοηθούν μεταξύ τους οι άνθρωποι μέσω
των μεταμφιέσεων, όπως συνέβαινε και με το έθιμο
«Μπούλες», στην περιχή της Ημαθίας. Τα έθιμα πέρασαν
τα περισσότερα και στις κατοπινές γενιές, τα οποία
όμως από τη δεκαετία του ‘60 και μετά άρχισαν να ξε-
φτίζουν και να έρχονται σήμερα στην επικαιρότητα από
τους κατά τόπους πολιτιστικούς συλλόγους.
Στη Θεσσαλία και ειδικά στις ορεινές περιοχές του
Ολύμπου, σαράντα μέρες προτού έρθει η Πρωτοχρονιά,
τα παιδιά των χωριών κάθε βράδυ αρματωμένα και ζω-
σμένα με «κυπριά», «κουδούνες» και «τσιοκάνια», γύρι-
ζαν στους δρόμους και τα σοκάκια, χτυπώντας τα ηχηρά
αυτά ποιμενικά όργανα και δημιουργούσαν μια αλλιώ-
τικη ατμόσφαιρα. Από τον Σεπτέμβριο μήνα οι νέοι του
χωριού, σχημάτιζαν ομάδες και άρχιζαν τις προετοιμα-
σίες για το μεγάλο καρναβάλι της Πρωτοχρονιάς.
Έτσι, μάζευαν σύνεργα του γιατρού, του χωροφύ-
λακα, του γύφτου, του αρκουδιάρη, του κλέφτη κ.λπ.
δηλαδή αντικείμενα που είχαν σχέση με την ιδιότητα
αυτή της μεταμφίεσης. Η πιο εκλεκτή ομάδα ήταν αυτή
της «νύφης» και του «γαμπρού». Έραβαν τις φουστα-
νέλες τα παλικάρια, τα τσαρούχια με φούντες, το φου-
στάνι η υποδυόμενη τη νύφη και ήταν έτοιμη η ομάδα
αυτή να πρωταγωνιστήσει την ημέρα του Αγ. Βασιλεί-
ου. Το πρωί της γιορτής του Α. Βασιλείου, όλες οι ομά-
δες μαζεύονταν στο προαύλιο του ναού και μόλις ο ιε-
ρέας τελείωνε τη θεία Λειτουργία, εκκλησίασμα, οι
ομάδες των μεταμφιεσμένων με πρώτα τα παιδιά και
τη νύφη με τον γαμπρό έσερναν το χορό. Η ομάδα αυ-
τή είχε μαζί της και τον «γκουγκουνιάρη», δηλαδή έναν
γεροδεμένο νέο, ο οποίος ήταν ζωσμένος με κουδού-
νες και κυπριά, τα οποία χτυπούσε και έβγαζαν ήχο.
Μαζί της είχαν και ένα ή δύο παιδιά που συγκέντρωναν
τα φιλοδωρήματα. Μετά τη λήξη του χορού ξεχύνον-
ταν στα σπίτια, όπου οι νοικοκυρές περίμεναν να πε-
ράσουν οι επισκέπτες. Μεγάλη χαρά είχαν να περάσει
από το σπίτι η νύφη και ο γαμπρός, για να φέρει κα-
λοτυχία και υγεία στο σπιτικό. Η νύφη που φυσικά ήταν
νεαρός, με πορτοκάλι στο χέρι, το έδινε να το μυρίσει
κάθε ελεύθερη κοπέλα, για να παντρευτεί γρήγορα.
Η ομάδα της νύφης και του γαμπρού συγκέντρωναν
χρήματα, χοιρινό κρέας και λουκάνικα. Τα χρήματα τα
έδινε σε φτωχούς του χωριού, στην εκκλησία, στο σχο-
λείο κ.λπ. Το βράδυ μαζευόταν όλο το χωριό στην πλα-
τεία του χωριού, όπου άναβαν φωτιά και έψηναν το
χοιρινό κρέας και τα λουκάνικα. Στο γιορτάσι αυτό με-
τείχαν όλες οι ηλικίες και αφού έτρωγαν, άρχιζαν το
χορό ως τα μεσάνυχτα.
Άλλο σημαντικό έθιμο ήταν τα «Σούρβα», τα κάλαντα,
τα οποία έλεγαν τα δασκαλόπαιδα ανήμερα της γιορτής
του Α. Βασιλείου και μάζευαν ξηρούς καρπούς, χρήμα-
τα, κουλούρια και πίτες.
Το έθιμο του καλού ποδαρικού ήταν το πρώτο μέλη-
μα των νοικοκυραίων. Έπρεπε να τους κάνει επίσκεψη
κάποιο άτομο γουρλίδικο. Κυρίως έβαζαν στο σπίτι ένα
αρσενικό αγόρι και του έδιναν να ρίξει στη φωτιά του
τζακιού αλάτι, για να έχουν καλή σοδειά. Άλλωστε, η
φράση «τι λαλάς Κυρ’ Βασίλη για τ’ αρνιά και τα κατσί-
κια», δείχνει τον καημό των κτηνοτρόφων για καλή πα-
ραγωγή από τα κοπάδια τους.
Πέρα από τα Θεσσαλικά αυτά έθιμα, θα αναφερθού-
με και στο γνωστό σε όλους μας, έθιμο της Βασιλόπιτας.
Σε πολλά μέρη λέγεται και Αγιοβασιλόπιτα, Βασιλίτσα,
Βασιλόψωμο, Βασιλοκουλούρα. Το έθιμο αυτό δεν έχει
εκλείψει και στη σύγχρονη εποχή, διατηρείται, όπως και
παλιότερα. Είναι το σύμβολο του πρωτοχρονιάτικου
τραπεζιού. Σύμφωνα με την Ορθόδοξη Χριστιανική πα-
ράδοση, το έθιμο του φλουριού που τοποθετούν μέσα
οι νοικοκυρές, προέρχεται από την Καισάρεια τη γενέ-
τειρα του Α. Βασιλείου, όπου ήταν επίσκοπος. Ο Βυζαν-
τινός βασιλιάς Ιουλιανός, ο οποίος ήταν και έπαρχος
της Καππαδοκίας, περνώντας με το στρατό του για να
πολεμήσει τους Πέρσες, ζήτησε να φορολογηθεί όλη
αυτή η επαρχία. Οι κάτοικοι αναγκάστηκαν να δώσουν
όλα τα χρυσαφικά τους, αλλά ήταν τυχεροί γιατί ο Ιου-
λιανός σκοτώθηκε και δεν πέρασε να πάρει τα χρυσα-
φικά τους. Ο Α. Βασίλειος έδωσε εντολή ένα μέρος αυ-
τών να δοθούν σε φτωχούς, ένα άλλο στη «Βασιλειάδα»
και τα υπόλοιπα να μοιραστούν στους κατοίκους. Για
να γίνει η επιστροφή των φλουριών πίσω ήταν αδύνατο.
Για το λόγο αυτό έκαναν μικρές κουλούρες, όπου μέσα
έβαλαν ένα χρυσαφικό και έτσι μοιράστηκαν τα φλουριά
στους κατοίκους.
Για τη χαρτοπαιξία, υπάρχει μια παράδοση που έρ-
χεται από τον Πόντο, που θέλει τον Α. Βασίλη να κερδίζει
τον φοροεισπράκτορα στα χαρτιά και να γλιτώνει το
ποίμνιό του από τη φορολογία.
Βέβαια, το έθιμο της βασιλόπιτας μπορεί να συσχε-
τιστεί και με τον εορταστικό άρτο της ελληνικής αρχαι-
ότητας, που προσφέρονταν από τους Ελληνες στους
θεούς ως απαρχή σε μεγάλες αγροτικές γιορτές, όπως
ήταν τα Θαλύσια και Θαργήλια. Σύμφωνα με την πρω-
τοχρονιάτικη παράδοση, η πίτα κόβεται και μοιράζεται
με εθιμικό τελετουργικό τρόπο τη νύχτα της παραμονής
του νέου χρόνου, ενώ ξεχωρίζονται τα κομμάτια, τα
οποία αφιερώνονται στον Χριστό, την Παναγία, τον Α.
Βασίλη, το σπίτι, τους ξενιτεμένους και στην οικογένεια.
Παράλληλα, οι γεωργοί χωρίζουν κομμάτι για τα χωρά-
φια και οι κτηνοτρόφοι για τα ζωντανά τους. Βέβαια,
σήμερα στη σύγχρονη κοινωνική ζωή η κοπή της πίτας
παίρνει τη μορφή – χαρακτήρα επαγγελματικών και κοι-
νωνικών υποχρεώσεων, η οποία κόβεται και μετά την
Πρωτοχρονιά.
Στην πίτα παλιότερα έβαζαν κωνσταντινάτα φλουριά,
ασημένια και χρυσά φυλακτά και όποιος έβρισκε το
φλουρί ήταν ο τυχερός της οικογένειας και της χρονιάς.
Παραδοσιακά το κόψιμο της πίτας γίνεται από τον αρ-
χηγό της οικογένειας, ο οποίος προσεύχεται μαζί με
την οικογένεια για την υγεία και ευτυχία στο νέο χρόνο.
Η πίτα πριν κοπεί σταυρώνεται και ο τυχερός τοποθετεί
το φλουρί στο εικονοστάσι του σπιτιού ως την επόμενη
χρονιά.
Βέβαια, σε κάθε ελληνική περιοχή υπάρχουν ποικίλα
έθιμα, τα οποία μεταφέρονται από γενιά σε γενιά και
αποτελούν ένα αναπόσπαστο κομμάτι της ελληνικής
ζωής.
Το σπάσιμο του ροδιού που είναι έθιμο της Πελοπον-
νήσου και άλλων περιοχών.
Οι κολόνες, έθιμο της Κεφαλονιάς, το ρίξιμο αλατιού
στη φωτιά, έθιμο του θεσσαλικού χώρου και πολλά άλλα
Αγιοβασιλιάτικα έθιμα, είναι στοιχεία της καλοτυχίας
και της καθημερινότητας των Ελλήνων.

Παρασκευή

Με λαμπρότητα εορτάστηκε ο Πολιούχος Τυρνάβου Αγ. Γεδεών

Με μεγάλη κατάνυξη και με συμμετοχή του ευλαβεστάτου λαού του Τυρνάβου εορτάστηκε στη τοπική μας Εκκλησία η μνήμη του νέου οσιομάρτυρος Γεδεών.
Επίκεντρο του εορτασμού ο μεγαλώνυμος Ναός του Αγίου στον Τύρναβο, όπου ευρίσκεται ο τάφος και τα χαριτόβρυτα ιερά λείψανα του.
Στον πανηγυρικό αρχιερατικό εσπερινό της εορτής χοροστάτησε και ομίλησε για τη μαρτυρία και το μαρτύριο του νέου οσιομάρτυρος ο Σεβασμιώτατος Μητροπολίτης Λαρίσης και Τυρνάβου κ. Ιγνάτιος.
Την κυριώνυμη ημέρα, 30 Δεκεμβρίου 2011 τελέστηκε αρχιερατική πανηγυρική Θεία Λειτουργία, ιερουργούντος του Σεβασμιωτάτου Μητροπολίτου Λαρίσης και Τυρνάβου κ. Ιγνατίου, συμπροσευχομένου στο ιερό Βήμα του Σεβασμιωτάτου Μητροπολίτου Τρίκκης και Σταγών κ.κ.Αλεξίου.Στο τέλος της Θείας Λειτουργίας ο Σεβασμιώτατος κ.Ιγνάτιος προχείρισε Αρχιδιάκονο της Ιεράς Μητροπόλεως τον εορτάζοντα Ιερολογιώτατο Διάκονο π. ΓΕΔΕΩΝ ΜΑΝΤΑ΄, πτυχιούχο Θεολόγο κληρικό, προερχόμενο από τον Αμπελώνα .
Τον πανηγυρικό της ημέρας εξεφώνησε ο Πρωτοσύγκελλος της Ιεράς Μητροπόλεως Λαρίσης και Τυρνάβου π. Αχίλλιος Τσούτσουρας, ο οποίος μίλησε για την παρουσία του Αγίου μέσα στο σύγχρονο κόσμο, για τα πολλά και ανεξάντλητα θαύματά του μέσα στη ζωή της Αγίας μας Εκκλησίας καθώς και για την προσευχή του Αγίου κατά την φριχτή ώρα του συγκλονιστικού μαρτυρίου Του.
Ακολούθησε ιερά λιτάνευση της Ιεράς Κάρας και της Αγίας εικόνος του Οσιομάρτυρος Γεδεών στην κεντρική πλατεία του Τυρνάβου, όπου τελέστηκε η αρτοκλασία παρουσία των πολυπληθών προσκυνητών και των Αρχόντων του τόπου.
Στη σύντομη προσφώνησή του ο Σεβασμιώτατος Ποιμενάρχης μας κ. Ιγνάτιος αναφέρθηκε στη Χάρη του πολιούχου μας Αγίου Γεδεών, ευχαρίστησε ιδιαίτερα τον Αναπληρωτή Υπουργό Εθνικής Αμύνης κ. Γεώργιο Γεωργίου, τους Άρχοντες της περιοχής μας καθώς και το φιλάγιο λαό για την παρουσία τους και την προσευχή τους.
0-tirnabos1

Πέθανε ο ελληνοαμερικανός καθηγητής Νικόλαος Σταύρου

Εφυγε από τη ζωή, σε ηλικία 76 ετών

«Οι κυβερνήσεις είναι τοποτηρητές των μεγάλων συμφερόντων.. Έχουν μετατρέψει τις κοινωνίες σε δουλαπάροικους... Η Ελλάδα έπρεπε να είχε κηρύξει χρεοκοπία πριν έναν χρόνο.. Είναι άμεση η ανάγκη να επανακτήσουμε την εθνική μας νομισματική ανεξαρτησία...», δήλωνε πριν ενάμιση μήνα στην εκπομπή «Ανιχνεύσεις», ο Νικόλαος Σταύρου Ο Ελληνοαμερικανός καθηγητής πολιτικών επιστημών στο Πανεπιστήμιο Χάουαρντ της Ουάσιγκτον, Νικόλαος Σταύρου, έφυγε από τη ζωή, σε ηλικία 76 ετών.

Ο γνωστός ακαδημαϊκός, ο οποίος ήταν μια από τις λίγες «μαχητικές φωνές» του Ελληνισμού στον αμερικανικό πανεπιστημιακό χώρο, απεβίωσε μετά από καρδιακό πρόβλημα, σε νοσοκομείο της πολιτείας Μέριλαντ των ΗΠΑ.

Ο αποθανών είχε γεννηθεί στη Γριάσδανη της Βορείου Ηπείρου και έγραψε βιβλία και μελέτες για σειρά θεμάτων που αφορούν τη χώρα μας, αλλά κυρίως αρκετά άρθρα σε αμερικανικά ΜΜΕ για τα «δικαιώματα των Ελλήνων της Βορείου Ηπείρου, που καταπατήθηκαν βάναυσα από τις αλβανικές αρχές», όπως υπογράμμιζε χαρακτηριστικά.

Συγκινητική θεωρήθηκε η πολύχρονη προσπάθειά του να βρει τα οστά του αδελφού του Γρηγόρη στην Αλβανία και να τα ενταφιάσει στον τάφο του πατέρα τους. Ο αδελφός του είχε καταδικαστεί σε θάνατο και εκτελέστηκε από το καθεστώς του Χότζα στις 3 Σεπτεμβρίου 1953. Η Ελληνική Πολιτεία τον τίμησε μετά θάνατο το 1991.

Ο καθηγητής Σταύρου είχε ιδρύσει και διεύθυνε το περιοδικό «Mediterranean Quarterly», το οποίο θεωρείτο ένα από τα πιο αξιόλογα έντυπα πολιτικού περιεχομένου στην αμερικανική πρωτεύουσα, μέσω του οποίου αναδεικνύονταν και προβάλλονταν θέματα που αφορούσαν την Ελλάδα, την Κύπρο και την ευρύτερη περιοχή.

Ας θυμηθούμε τι δήλωνε μόλις πριν ενάμιση μήνα, στην εκπομπή της ΕΤ3 "Ανιχνεύσεις".

"Η κατάσταση στην Ελλάδα έχει διεθνείς επιπλοκές και δυστυχώς οι κυβερνήσεις της έχουν μετατραπεί σε προσωρινούς τοποτηρητές των μεγάλων συμφερόντων. Η Ελλάδα εκλήθη την περασμένη εβδομάδα να αναστείλει γιά έναν χρόνο την δημοκρατία της ώστε να μην επιρρεάσει τις εκλογές των ΗΠΑ και του Σαρκοζί στη Γαλλία...

...Έχουμε την περίπτωση μετατροπής όλων των οικονομικών συνισταμένων σε chips για την ρουλέτα που λέγεται χρηματαγορά. Έχουν μετατρέψει τους πάντες και τα πάντα σε καταναλωτές και δανειζομένους, έχουν μετατρέψει τις κοινωνίες αντι κοινωνίες των εθνών σε κοινωνίες δουλοπαροίκων εποχής της τεχνολογίας...

Η Ελλάδα είναι το πρώτο εργαλείο που χρησιμοποιούν για την διάσπαση του ευρώ, και αυτο ξεκάθαρα και τι είναι πολύ άσχημο για την Ελλάδα, η Ελλάδα έχει άμεση ανάγκη να επανακτήσει την νομισματική της εθνική κυριαρχία. Εφόσον δεν το κάνει αυτό, η Ελλάδα θα είναι συνεχώς υπο την επίβλεψη της τρόϊκας ή κάτι παρόμοιο στο μέλλον.

Δεν νομίζω οτι μπορούμε να γίνεται δημοσιονομική πολιτική σε ένα μέρος και κοινωνική πολιτική να γίνεται σε άλλο μέρος και αυτά τα δύο να συναντιούνται κάπου. Πρέπει να θυμόμαστε οτι απο τις αρχές του 18ου αιώνα και μετά έχουμε ριζικές μεταλλαγές έχοντας δημιουργήσει στις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες και στην Ευρώπη μία τάξη συστηματικών κλεπτών του δημοσίου πλούτου και μετατράψενε τους πολίτες σε φορολογουμένους μετατρέποντας τον εαυτό τους σε πανίσχυρους χρηματιστές οι οποίοι έχουν μετατρέψει τις κυβερνήσεις σε απλούς αστυνομικούς για να προστατεύουν τον πλούτο τους...

...Οι κοινωνίες βρίσκονται υπο συνεχή απειλή μετατροπής των σε ένα αυτοκρατορικό σύστημα το οποίο διευθύνεται από τραπεζικούς παράγοντες και αστυνομεύεται από τα έθνη κράτη...

... Η Ελλάδα βρίσκεται σε κρίση η οποία θα γίνει πιο μεγάλη σε όλα τα επίπεδα, εφόσον παραμένει με την ελπίδα ότι θα την σώσουν οι Ευρωπαίοι και οι άλλοι μεγάλοι παράγοντες. Η Ελλάδα -κατά την γνώμη μου- έπρεπε να κηρύξει χρεοκοπία πριν ένα χρόνο, αυτό άλλωστε το έχω γράψει και το έχω πει επανελλειμένως.

Η Ελλάδα δεν χρωστάει ούτε πεντάρα σε έθνη- κράτη, στην Γαλλία ή στην Γερμανία, χρωστάει σε τραπεζίτες και οι τραπεζίτες επενδύσαν τα χρήματα στην Ελλάδα, σε ομόλογα και έπρεπε να αναλαβουν οι ίδιοι το ρίσκο που αναλάμβάνει ο καθένας όταν παίζει στο χρηματηστήριο της Νέας Υόρκης.

Δεν τους χρωστάμε τίποτα. Είχαμε την διαφορά μεταξύ εισοδήματος και χρέους 260 δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ, τώρα είναι 285... Εβάλαμε και δεχτήκαμε, τρείς εκτιμητές της αξιοπιστίας κρατών και πολιτών, Moodys, Standard & Poors και Fitch. Αυτοί οι τρείς οίκοι είναι δημιουργήματα των τραπεζών. Τι ακριβώς θα γινόταν παρα δείγματος χάριν, αν η Moody's δεν υποβίβαζε την αξιοπιστία της Ελλάδος ή την αξιοπιστία των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών, και ποιοί τις ελέγχουν αυτές;

Η Moodys παραδειγματός χάρη ελέγχεται απο έναν δισεκατομμυριούχο αμερικάνο, τον Waren Buffet. Δηλαδή, οι τράπεζες εκτιμούν τα κράτη και τους πολίτες για να τους δανείσουν χρήματα, χωρίς να έχουν καμία υποχρέωση οι ίδιοι να λάβουν τα μέτρα τους ή να κερδίσουν ή να χάσουν σύμφωνα με τους νόμους και τους κανόνες που αυτοί προωθούν στην ανοικτή αγορά.

Δεν έχουμε όμως ανοικτή αγορά, έχουμε "σοσιαλισμό" των ανωτέρων και ανωτάτων οικονομικών στρωμάτων. Εκείνοι παίρνουν τα κέρδη και οι φορολογούμενοι παίρνουν (βλ. δίνουν) τους φόρους. Δηλαδή πηγαίνουμε προς μία εξέλιξη όπου μετατρέπονται οι πάντες σε καταναλωτές επι πιστώσει και σε δουλαπάροικους εποχής υψηλής τεχνολογίας...

...Για αυτό λεώ ακριβώς ότι είναι ανάγκη για την Ελλάδα να επανακτήσει την εθνική της κυριαρχία, διαφορετικά θα μιλάμε για καταστροφές. Βρίσκομαστε σε μία κρίση χειρότερη απο ότι βρισκόμασταν στον πόλεμο 1940-1945. Η κατάσταση δεν μπορεί να διαιωνισθεί, δεν μπορεί η κυβέρνηση της Ελλάδος να μετατραπεί σε αστυνόμο των τραπεζών της Ευρώπης και των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών...

Nikolaos A. Stavrou

NIKOLAOS A. STAVROU

On December 29, 2011, Dr. Nikolaos Stavrou a graduate professor (Emeritus) of International Affairs and Political Theory at Howard University and founder and editor of Mediterranean Quarterly, departed this life.

Dr. Stavrou is survived by his beloved wife, Katarina; brothers, Paul, Elias and their families; sisters, Stamato, Efthalia, and their families; Thomas, Irini and their families; many nieces, nephews, relatives and friends.

Viewing on January 1 from 4 to 6 p.m. at Gawler's Funeral Home, 5130 Wisconsin Ave. N.W., Washington, DC. Funeral service January 2 at 9:30 a.m. at St. George Church, 7701 Bradley Blvd., Bethesda, MD. Interment will follow the service at Parklawn Cemetery.

Published in The Washington Post from December 30 to December 31, 2011

Professor Nikolaos A. Stavrou

his Balkan expert is with Balkan roots. He was born in village of Griazdani, in the part of Epirus that was assigned to Albania. Greek people, like Stavrou family, lived in Epirus for many millenia. During WWII the Greeks were targeted for extermination by Albanian Nazis known as Balli Kombætar, or Ballists. Stavrou family barely survived. The Albanian Nazis, hated Greeks for their devotion to Eastern Orthodox Christianity. Most Albanians converted to Islam during centuries long Ottoman rule of the Balkans. In 1952 Dr. Stavrou's family escaped from Albania to Greece and later moved to the United States.

Nikolaos A. Stavrou is currently professor of international affairs at Howard University, Washington, DC. Over decades he wrote many studies concerning his native Balkans. Yugoslav politics was one of professor Stavrou's special interests. His publications include "Edvard Kardelj and the Historical Roots of Non-Alignment." Mr. Kardelj was Tito's right hand man.
Dr. Stavrou is in touch with some very influential people of Washington, DC. One of his recent books "Mediterranean Security at the Crossroads: A Reader," first published in 1997, is co-authored by ex-U.S. Secretary of State George P. Shultz.
Dr. Stavrou is also an editor of Mediterranean Quarterly a sholarly journal that offers insightful essays from the world's top policy makers, scholars, journalist, and international experts. It is a forum for provocative commentary and a source of deep analysis delivering global issues with a Mediterranean slant.

hen it came to civil wars in Yugoslavia and American increased involvement, professor Stavrou, as a Balkan expert, was eager to offer his views. Despite his influence in the high circles, very few of his articles were published in the Western press outside of the above mentioned Mediterranean Quarterly. We collected some of those rare published Professor Stavrou's articles and presented them here, on this web site:

BOSNIA 101
Professor Stavrou tries to cover for Western media supposed lack of knowledge of the basic facts.
Bin Laden's forms Balkan terror network
"Under the Albright-Clark-Holbrooke watch thousands of Mujahedeens flocked to the Balkans in support of Alija Izetbegovic's dream of a "fundamentalist Islamic Republic." Bin Laden's Mujahedeens even attempted to create a version of a mini-theocracy in Bosnia" says Professor Stavrou.
NATO and Nazis - all KLA allies
The Washington Times publishes article "KFOR: Repeating history" in which professor Stavrou reminds us of KLA's deep roots in Nazism. He says: "Under the fascist-Nazi umbrella, the Albanians gained control of Kosovo, efficiently cleansed it of 300,000 Serbs and kept the Yugoslav resistance busy, thus relieving Nazi troops for duty in Normandy. History repeats itself. Under a different patron, the Kosovars are now cleansing the territory of non-Albanians. [A]ncient Orthodox Churches are destroyed and innocent farmers massacred by [KLA - the] NATO's local allies.
Mounting anxiety in Montenegro
"I saw firsthand the result of NATO´s and American policy´s failures in the Balkans. There is no success of American policy in Kosovo or anywhere else in the Balkans, no matter how loosely one defines success. Yet, our government continues its ostrich-like policies and refuses to come to grips with reality: i.e. that NATO failed in the Balkans and that it would make little sense to repeat last year´s folly in Montenegro". - writes Professor Stavrou for Washington Times in August 2000.
The notion of an independent Montenegro must be rejected
"The architects of the Balkan quagmire, Madeleine Albright and Richard Holbrooke, persist in their efforts to spin a failed Balkan policy... Human or civil rights were hardly, if ever, the core cause of post-Cold War Balkan which is traceable to... the careless conversion of administrative boundaries [of ex-Yugoslavia's Republics] into international borders... It is imperative that the Bush administration take an unambiguous stand in support of existing Balkan borders. Delay on this score would make turmoil beyond the boundaries of former Yugoslavia a mathematical certainty. " - Professor Stavrou for Washington Times, April 16, 2001. In other words -- the insane atomization of ex-Yugoslavia should stop!

Personal story: Memories of a Balkan Easter
On Easter 1944 Nikolaos A. Stavrou, then still a small child, barely survived Albanian Nazi attack on his village.

WASHINGTON TALK: STATE DEPARTMENT; Book on Greek Leader Stirs Diplomatic Dispute

By EDWIN McDOWELL, Special to the New York Times

Published: July 01, 1988

It started out last year as a harmless sounding project: a book by American and Greek authors about the administration of Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou of Greece, edited and published by Greek-Americans. But now, two months before publication, the project has created a stir involving the State Department, the Greek Embassy and others associated with it.
The book, ''Greece Under Socialism: A NATO Ally Adrift,'' is scheduled for publication Aug. 30 by Aristide D. Caratzas, Publisher, of New Rochelle, N.Y. It was edited by Nikolaos A. Stavrou, a professor of international affairs and political science at Howard University.
Professor Stavrou and Mr. Caratzas accuse officials of the Papandreou administration of trying to censor a chapter in the book, of trying to intimidate them for refusing to withdraw the chapter and, in one case, of using a racial epithet. Friends in the Greek Government, Mr. Caratzas said, warned both him and Professor Stavrou that warrants would be issued for their arrest if either of them visited Greece.

While acknowledging that he had asked to have the controversial chapter withdrawn, George Papoulias, the Greek Ambassador to the United States, has called the broader accusations ''nonsense.'' Four Greek Contributors
Among the 14 contributors to the book are four Greeks. Matthew Nimetz, a former Under Secretary of State, wrote the introduction, and Robert Pranger, a former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for international security, contributed a chapter. But it is the essay of Yannis Kapsis, Deputy Secretary of Foreign Affairs in the Papandreou government, that stirred the controversy.
In response to an invitation from Professor Stavrou, Mr. Kapsis submitted an article last October on the philosophy and goals of Greek foreign policy. At that time the book's working title was ''PASOK in Power: A Critical Analysis of Its Domestic and Foreign Policies.'' PASOK is the acronym for Mr. Papandreou's governing party, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement.
While editing the manuscript, however, Professor Stavrou changed the title of the book to ''Greece Under Socialism: The Rise, Policies and Decline of Andreas Papandreou.'' When he finished editing it he changed the subtitle again to ''A NATO Ally Adrift,'' which he said more accurately reflects the book's contents.
But last December, when the book still bore the first subtitle - that is, ''The Rise, Policies and Decline of Andreas Papandreou'' - Ambassador Papoulias said in a letter to Professor Stavrou that Mr. Kapsis wished to withdraw his article. The reason, he said, was that the subtitle suggested ''a biased and unobjective context.'' A Question of Credibility
Professor Stavrou refused, saying that the project was already too far along and that any suggestion of bias and lack of objectivity ''touches upon my credibility as a scholar and upon the credibility of internationally known contributors.''
In an interview, Professor Stavrou, who was born in Greece but who has lived in the United States for more than 30 years and is an American citizen, said he would have withheld the article if Mr. Kapsis or Ambassador Papoulias had said only that they wished to withdraw it. ''But I couldn't withdraw it after they said the book is subjective, before they read a single line of it,'' the professor added.
Ambassador Papoulias said in a telephone interview that Mr. Kapsis contributed the article in good faith, and demurred after he learned that the planned subtitle talked about the ''decline'' of Mr. Papandreou.
''It's very improper for a high government official to be led to contribute to a book about the decline of the government he is serving,'' the Ambassador said. He also said he had talked by telephone with the publisher and the editor ''to try to make them understand it was unfair'' to include Mr. Kapsis's article in the book. Subtitle Changes Defended
Professor Stavrou said the subtitle under which the book would now be published was not chosen to mollify or accommodate the Greek Government, any more than the previous subtitle was intended to rile it.
''It is not unusual for a book to have one or more working titles right through the editing process,'' he said. ''And after I read the contributions in their entirety, it was clear that Papandreou is still popular, although the popularity of his party is declining. The new subtitle is meant to reflect the book's contents.''
Mr. Nimetz, the former State Department official, said he was unaware of any pressure from the Greek Government. ''No one has approached me in any way,'' he said. But he added that he did not find any of the book's essays particularly controversial. ''The book is an attempt to be descriptive, which is hard to do about a government that's still in power,'' he said, ''but I can't see much for anybody to object to.''
Robert Pranger, now a research fellow at the University of Maryland, also said the book was not polemical. ''It's a very straightforward book, not meant to excite,'' he said. Opponent of Greek Junta
Mr. Pranger added that he found the apparent animosity between Professor Stavrou and the Papandreou government ironic in view of past events. ''Stavrou in the '60's was an outspoken opponent of the Greek junta, like Papandreou,'' Mr. Pranger said. ''When I went to Greece in '81 and met Papandreou before the election, Nick set up the meeting.''
Mr. Caratzas, the Greek-born publisher of the book, charged that he and Professor Stavrou ''have been subjected to improper and inordinate pressure by the Papandreou government.'' The warning not to come to Greece, for instance, was made by Mr. Kapsis himself, among others, Mr. Caratzas said.
''The Ambassador referred to me as hostile to the democratically elected Greek Government,'' Mr. Caratzas said. ''I wrote to him and said that publishing a book critical in parts of a government doesn't mean that we are enemies.''
Ambassador Papoulias, while saying that Mr. Kapsis was within his rights in asking to withdraw his essay from the book, denied that his Government had tried to harass or intimidate Mr. Stavrou or Mr. Caratzas. ''Mr. Kapsis reserves his rights according to existing legislation in the U.S. or Greece,'' the Ambassador said. ''But that is not a threat - that's his right under the law.'' Racial Slur Protested
The racial incident came about last December when a member of the Greek Embassy press office staff reportedly denounced Professor Stavrou in a gathering, saying: ''Mr. Stavrou - he cannot write books, he can only teach niggers at a most mediocre university.''
Howard University, where Professor Stavrou has taught for two decades, is a predominantly black educational institution. In a letter of protest to Ambassador Papoulias, the chairman of Howard's department of political science, Hilbourne A. Watson, noted that he had learned ''personally'' of the denunciation and said he was ''strongly opposed'' to such an attack on Professor Stavrou.
Meanwhile, Professor Stavrou left this week for the Balkans, including Greece. His visit to his homeland is partly business, he said, because a Greek publisher is negotiating to publish the book. ''But I also intend to test this threat,'' he added. ''I do not intend to let a government harass or intimidate me.''
The State Department has cabled the United States Embassy in Athens to look after Professor Stavrou.

THE BALKANIZATION OF GREECE: THE UNFOLDING PROCESS

Nikolaos A. Stavrou
(Professor of International Affairs (Emeritus) at Howard University)

A dangerous illusion shapes Greek foreign policy in the era of post-Balkanization of the Balkans. It is the illusion of unsustainable self-importance displayed by the chief Greek foreign policy maker when in fact her role resembles that of a classic tap dancer, performing a choreographed task for the amusement of a pre-selected audience. Like classic Harlem tap dancers, the rhythm and intensity of performance are determined by the duration and intensity of the applause. Thus at the conclusion of the most recent appearance in Washington the Greek foreign minister seemed ready to trade the dignity of the Serbian nation and the honor of Greece in pursuit of resolution of what has been known as a "name issue". The latest deal obligates Greece to "help sell the Kosovo" bitter pill to a demoralized Serbian nation in return for an acceptable substitute for FYROM. Such deals set in motion dangerous precedents and ominous implications for Greek interests and national security. A successful linkage of the Kosovo-FYROM issues, achieved by the chief handler of Greek officials in Washington, Nicholas Burns, leaves Greece vulnerable to future Balkanization; make no mistake about it.

For keen observers of Balkan affairs, this outcome is no surprise. For months the Greek foreign Minister was preaching "realism" to her counterpart in Belgrade with such persistence that it produced Vladimir Putin's linkage of Kosovo independence with the fate of Cyprus. One cannot help but be appalled by the thoughtless acceptance, and without counter arguments, the creation of a new state in the Balkans on the basis of geography, in gross violation of international law and a cavalier dismissal of the United Nations. It probably escaped the attention of the deep thinkers in the Greek foreign ministry but the fact remains that there is no such a thing as a "Kosovar" nationality pursuing self-determination, only Kosovo Albanians who are now setting the stage for an age old dream that was thwarted by the Balkan wars. The cradle of Serbian civilization, Kosovo, saw its demography altered by the settlement of 300.000 Albanians during the era of Nazi-Albanian collaboration which, combined with indigent Albanians, served as the rationale for Albanian claims against both Greece and Serbia. Just out of curiosity, how many Albanians have settled in Greece these days? This might sound as irrelevant history to cloned Greek enthusiast of diversity but it is worth repeating some glimpses of history from the not so distant past.

On May 3, 1941, six days after Nazi forces entered Athens, the government of Albanian Prime Minister Shefqet Verlaci dispatched a six member delegation to Rome to present to Duce "Albania's minimal demands toward Greece and Yugoslavia". Besides Kosovo, Verlaci asked for "the incorporation into Albania the cities of Ioannina and Preveza, together with their regions as well as certain other Greek regions, primarily in western Macedonia."Along with the "minimal" Albanian demands a song made its debut in Albania folklore with revealing lyrics which is still popular today, "pa Kosova e Chameria, nuke eshte Sqipeperia" (without Kosova and Chamuria, there is no Albania)

Does anybody in his/her right mind believe that the creation of a third blonde Islamic state in the Balkans would leave Greece in peace? No one objects to the right of an ethnic group to seek union with their brethren across the border. But creation of states on the basis of manufactured "facts on the ground" sets the stage for the balkanization of Greece. Coupled with externally- incited anarchic tendencies within Greece and the propensity of the Greek government to behave as an aggregate of deal makers rather than the custodians of national interests, the scene is now set for new national tribulations and no fall back positions.

Regrettably, Greece has traded her options, one by one, to the masterminds of a new "Near East" strategic concept which is modeled after the pre-1912 Balkan realities and was articulated as early as June 1992 by imperial planners. May God save Greece from power hungry Greek politicians.

http://www.rieas.gr/index.php

20 Years Since The Fall of the Soviet Union

Twenty years ago, on December 25, 1991, Mikhail Gorbachev resigned as president of the Soviet Union, declaring the office extinct and dissolving the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), a massive communist empire that had existed since 1922. The USSR had been in a long economic stagnation when Gorbachev came to power in 1985. In order to bring about change, he introduced several reforms, including perestroika (economic restructuring) and glasnost (openness). Glasnost opened the floodgates of protest and many republics made moves toward independence, threatening the continued existence of the USSR. In August of 1991, a group of Communist Party hardliners frustrated by the separatist movement attempted to stage a coup. They quickly failed due to a massive show of civil resistance -- but the already-faltering government was destabilized even further by the attempt. By December of 1991, 16 Soviet republics had declared their independence, and Gorbachev handed over power to Russian president Boris Yeltsin, ending the USSR. Collected here are photos from those tumultuous months 20 years ago. Bonus: Memories of photojournalist Alain-Pierre Hovasse, first-hand witness to these events, are collected at the end of this entry. [43 photos]

A woman reaches into her bag, which rests on a fallen Soviet hammer-and-sickle on a Moscow street in 1991. December 25, 2011 will mark the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Soviet Union. (Alexander Nemenov/AFP/Getty Images)

Lithuanians carry Lithuanian flags in the center of Vilnius on January 10, 1990, during demonstration asking for the country's independence. In early 1990, Sajudis-Reform Movement of Lithuania backed candidates won the elections to the Lithuanian Supreme Soviet. On March 11, 1990, the Supreme Soviet proclaimed the re-establishment of Lithuanian independence. The Baltic republics were in forefront of the struggle for independence and Lithuania was the first of the Soviet republics to declare independence. (Vitaly Armand/AFP/Getty Images) #

Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev, center, in animated conversation with residents of Vilnius, Lithuania, on Thursday, January 11, 1990. Gorbachev was in the Lithuanian capital to press for reversal of the local communist party's decision to split from Moscow and to slow the republic's drive for complete independence. (AP Photo/Victor Yurchenko) #

A crowd blocks the passage of Soviet tanks on a road near Ganja, formerly Kirovabad, in Soviet Azerbaijan, on January 22, 1990. Troops sent into the area last week to quell ethnic violence met both armed and peaceful resistance. (AP Photo) #

People buy teacups in the Vilnius downtown shop on Friday, April 27, 1990. Despite an economic blockade of Lithuania by Soviet forces, shops in Vilnius are well supplied with food and other goods as Lithuania entered the 10th day of a blockade. (AP Photo/Dusan Vranic) #

Residents face a cordon of Soviet Interior Ministry troops in front of the local Communist Party Headquarters in the Tajikistan capital of Dushanbe, on February 15, 1990. Soviet authorities declared a state of emergency in the city, following ethnic rioting. (AP Photo/RIA Novosti) #

Two Soviet paratroopers inspect weapons confiscated from a local militia organization in Kaunas, Lithuania on Sunday, March 26, 1990. Soviet President Gorbachev ordered all Lithuanians to surrender their firearms to Soviet authorities. (AP Photo/Vadimir Vyatkin/Novisti) #

Soviet mothers who lost their sons in the Red Army are held back by State militia as they hold photographs of their loved ones in Red Square, on Monday, December 24, 1990. A group of about 200 Soviet parents who have all lost sons through ethnic violence and accidents within the Soviet armed services demonstrated outside the Kremlin. 6,000 Soviet service men were killed during 1990. (AP Photo/Martin Cleaver) #

About 100,000 demonstrators march on the Kremlin in Moscow on January 20, 1991. Many called for the resignation of Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev protesting against the Soviet army crackdown against the nationalist Lithuanian authorities. Lithuania had been the first Baltic Republic to proclaim its independence in March 1990. (Vitaly Armand/AFP/Getty Images) #

Soviet soldiers patrol an emptied Red Square in Moscow, on March 27, 1991, after the area had been blocked off in anticipation of a pro-Yeltsin rally. (AFP/EPA/Alain-Pierre Hovasse) #

Anti-Soviet political graffiti filled an entire wall in Vilnius on January 17, 1991. The wall surrounding the Lithuanian parliament was erected to defend against a possible raid by Soviet troops. Many Soviet army deserters pinned their draft cards to a defaced poster of President Mikhail Gorbachev. (AP Photo/Liu Heung Shing) #

In this photo taken on January 13, 1991, a Lithuanian demonstrator runs in front of a Soviet Red Army tank during an assault on the Lithuanian Radio and Television station in Vilnius. Soviet troops opened fire on unarmed civilians in Vilnius, killing 13 people and injuring 100 others. (Stringer/AFP/Getty Images) #

An armed Lithuanian volunteer guard wakes up as his fellow compatriot slept in Vilnius, Lithuania, on January 23, 1991. Hundreds of gunmen held vigil in the heavily fortified Lithuanian parliament while Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev urged all Baltic republics to prevent further violence. (AP Photo/Liu Heung Shing) #

Pall-bearers carry a flag-draped casket during a funeral procession through Vilnius, on January 16, 1991, for 10 of the 13 people killed when Soviet troops stormed the Lithuanian broadcast center the previous weekend. Hundreds of thousands of Lithuanians jammed the procession route to mourn their national heroes. (AP Photo) #

Hundreds of thousands of protesters pack Moscow's Manezh Square next to the Kremlin, on March 10, 1991, demanding that Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev and his fellow Communists give up power. The crowd, estimated at 500,000, was the biggest anti-government demonstration in the 73 years of since the Communists took power, and came a week before the nationwide referendum on Gorbachev's union treaty. (AP Photo/Dominique Mollard) #

A few weeks before the Coup, Mikhail Gorbachev stands surrounded by his so-called friends, all of them soon to be leaders of the August Coup against him. Vice President Gennady Yanayev, second from right, became the most visible of the Coup leaders. Here, they are lighting the flame at the tomb of the unknown soldier outside the Kremlin wall in May of 1991. (AFP/EPA/Alain-Pierre Hovasse) #

Soviet Army tanks parked near Spassky Gate, an entrance to the Kremlin and Basil's Cathedral in Moscow's Red Square after a coup toppled Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev on August 19, 1991. Tanks rolled through Moscow towards the Russian White House, where Boris Yeltsin, leader of the Soviet-era Russian republic at the time, gathered his supporters after denouncing the coup. (Dima Tanin/AFP/Getty Images) #

The leaders of the August Coup: from left, Soviet Interior Minister Boris Pugo, Soviet Vice President Gennady Yanayev, and Oleg Baklanov, the first Vice-President of the Soviet Defence Council. These men were members of the self-styled "committee for the state of emergency" which headed the coup against Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev. Here, they gave a press conference on August 19, 1991 in Moscow. (Vitaly Armand/AFP/Getty Images) #

A crowd gathers around a personnel carrier as some people climb aboard the vehicle and try to block its advance near Red Square in downtown Moscow, on August 19, 1991. Military vehicles were on the streets of Moscow following the announcement that Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev was replaced by Gennady I. Yanayev in a coup attempt by hard-line Communists. (AP Photo/Boris Yurchenko) #

Supporters of Russian president Yeltsin roll a large metal pipe to use as a barricade near the Russian federation building in Moscow, on August 19, 1991, following a military coup attempt by Soviet hardliners. (Anatoly Sapronyenkov/AFP/Getty Images) #

Russian President Boris Yeltsin (left) stands on top of an armored vehicle parked in front of the Russian Federation building as supporters hold a Russian federation flag on August 19, 1991, during a coup attempt. Yeltsin addressed a crowd of supporters calling for a general strike. (Diane-Lu Hovasse/AFP/Getty Images) #

A picture shows Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev speaking in a video message taped on August 19, 1991, the second day of his captivity. Gorbachev said there had been an unconstitutional coup and that he was completely well. Photo taken on August 25, 1991. (NBC TV/AFP/Getty Images) #

A pro-democracy demonstrator fights with a Soviet soldier on top of a tank parked in front of the Russian Federation building on August 19, 1991, after a coup toppled Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev. The same day, thousands in Moscow, Leningrad, and other cities answered Russian Republic President Boris Yeltsin's call to raise barricades against tanks and troops. (Dima Tanin/AFP/Getty Images) #

A defiant Russian President Boris Yeltsin (left) raises a fist to his supporters from the Russian Federation building in Moscow on August 19, 1991, calling on them to hold a general strike and to resist the pro-communist coup against Soviet President Gorbachev. (Dima Tanin/AFP/Getty Images) #

Over 50,000 people ignore a declared state of emergency and gather in front of the Russian parliament building in order to support Boris Yeltsin, on August 20, 1991. (Vitaly Armand/AFP/Getty Images) #

A pro-democracy demonstrator argues with a Soviet soldier late on August 20, 1991, as a tank blocked access to the center of Moscow. (Andre Durand/AFP/Getty Images) #

Residents play music and talk to soldiers in front of the Russian White House in central Moscow early on August 20, 1991. (Alexander Nemenov/AFP/Getty Images) #

People stand on a barricade in front the Russian White House in Moscow on August 21, 1991. (Alexander Nemenov/AFP/Getty Images) #

A soldier waves a Russian flag from the top of his tank as armored units leave their positions in Moscow following the collapse of the military coup against president Gorbachev on August 21, 1991. Coup leaders fled the capital and president Gorbachev was rumored to be returning soon. (Willy Slingerland/AFP/Getty Images) #

Part of a large crowd, outside the Russian Parliament building in Moscow, celebrates the news that the hardline Communist coup has failed, on August 22, 1991. (AP Photo) #

Celebrations in Moscow after the failure of the coup attempt, and remembrances of those killed in the violence, in August of 1991. (AFP/EPA/Alain-Pierre Hovasse) #

A crowd watches the statue of KGB founder Dzerzhinsky being toppled in Lubyanskaya Square in Moscow, on August 22, 1991. (Anatoly Sapronenkov/AFP/Getty Images) #

President Mikhail Gorbachev, in the Soviet Parliament right after his return from being under house arrest during the August, 1991 coup. (AFP/EPA/Alain-Pierre Hovasse) #

People follow a funeral procession for the victims of the coup in front of Russian White House in Moscow on August 24, 1991, after the coup attempt failed. (Alexander Nemenov/AFP/Getty Images) #

A group of Boris Yeltsin supporters rip apart one of the barricades surrounding the Russian federation building in Moscow, on August 25, 1991, following a coup attempt a few days before that eventually failed. (Alain-Pierre Hovasse/AFP/Getty Images) #

A Baku resident uses an axe to hack apart a placard showing a portrait of Russian Bolshevik revolutionary leader Vladimir Lenin, on September 21, 1991. Azerbaijan was proclaimed a Soviet Socialist Republic by Soviet Union in 1920. The Azeri National Council voted for its declaration of independence in 1991. (Anatoly Sapronenkov/AFP/Getty Images) #

A member of the KGB (right) who requested anonymity hands over his weapon to a Lithuanian official before leaving the KGB headquarters in Vilnius after Lithuanian government decided to drop the Soviet secret service organization, on August 31, 1991. (Stephan Bentura/AFP/Getty Images) #

Soviet rock fans attend a concert in Moscow on September 28, 1991. Half a million people jammed an airfield to see the Monsters of Rock concert featuring AC/DC, Pantera and Metallica at the Soviet Union's biggest Western rock concert, touted as a gift to Russian youth for their resistance to last month's coup. (AP Photo/Massimo Alabresi) #

A young Lithuanian girl sits on the toppled statue of Russian Bolshevik revolutionary leader Vladimir Lenin in Vilnius after the monument was removed from the center of the Lithuanian capital, on September 1, 1991. (Gerard Fouet/AFP/Getty Images) #

A jubilant Chechen secessionist with clenched fists opens his arms to the crowd during a rally in Grozny, on November 14, 1991, to celebrate the pullout of Soviet troops from the Muslim enclave in Southern Russia. (AP Photo) #

Citizens of the Ukraine vote on a referendum for independence from the Soviet Union at the Ukraine Embassy in Moscow, on December 1, 1991. (AP Photo/Boris Yurchenko) #

The Musichick family watches Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev's resignation speech on Soviet television in their downtown Moscow apartment, on December 25, 1991. Gorbachev, whose reforms gave Soviet citizens freedom but ultimately led to the destruction of his nation resigned on as President of a Communist empire that no longer exists. (AP Photo/Sergei Kharpukhin) #

For one of the last times, the Soviet flag flies over the Kremlin at Red Square in Moscow, on Saturday night, December 21, 1991. The flag was replaced by the Russian flag on New Year's. (AP Photo/Gene Berman) #

My friend Alain-Pierre Hovasse is a photojournalist who was based in Moscow in August of 1991, and was a firsthand witness to many of the historic events - six of the photos above were taken by him. I asked if he'd be interested in sharing some observations from that time, happily he agreed and has shared his memories here:

In 1991, I was hired away from Reuters in London to be Chief Photographer for the Agence France Presse and the European Press Agency in Moscow. It was perestroika (restructuring) under Gorbachev's tenure in the USSR; changes had been taking place since the collapse of the Berlin Wall and other Soviet satellites in 1989, and AFP had until then no permanent photographer in Moscow.

Two weeks after I arrived, the biggest spontaneous political gathering since the Revolution took place near Red Square. These were pro-Yeltsin people, a few months before the very first democratic elections took place in the history of Russia and the USSR elected him president of the Russian Federation and put him on a collision course with Gorbachev. It wasn't always easy knowing what to cover and how, and my only assistant was a really bad KGB-apppointed photo stringer whose only claim to fame was to be the illegitimate grandchild of Lenin's French mistress! There was a great team of AFP reporters at the time, however, and little by little I began to hire local photographers and train them from scratch as events unfolded.

Sending photos back to Paris had to be done through the only international phone line our office was allowed to have, and since the correspondents used it as well, there was always a certain amount of delay. For assignments outside of Moscow, photographers simply had to fly back the same day with their film.

Although there was plenty going on, mostly the political movement took place out of sight, and I did a lot of features to show how Moscovites lived and the rapid changes taking place. Moscow was relatively quiet that summer. Most correspondents were away on holiday and on Monday morning, August 17, I woke up to the BBC World Service announcing a Coup against Gorbachev and a certain mobilization of troops. I sprang out of bed, grabbed my cameras and started driving around town looking for activity, of which there was very little. Finally, around 9 in the morning, a line of armed personnel carriers parked on a quiet street. Then a line of tanks crossed a bridge across from the Russian Parliament, and crowds started to gather. It was a photographer's dream and as my apartment was right next door to the Parliament, I had front row seats to the events. I took a lot of photos, and knowing that Paris would be anxious for some early photos, I raced off to the office to file them.

My wife had been standing outside our apartment when she saw Yeltsin emerge from the building and climb on top of one of the tanks. Her snapshot of the event became one of the iconic images of the coup, showing the courage of the Russian leader refusing to surrender to the aging and inept Soviet cabal supposedly in charge.

The next few days were a blur, as hundreds of people gathered around the Parliament amid rumours of counter-coups, army and air attacks, and so on. It was all quite tense and I had by then flown my pregnant wife back to London. No one knew what would take place. The tank commanders, initially placed to protect the coup itself, had quickly changed their allegiance to Yeltsin and so "protected" the White House. The leaders of the coup, all so-called "friends" of Gorbachev, were inept and disorganized and the whole thing fell apart quickly. Yeltsin's appearance on the tank, and his general pugnacious nature, really shifted a lot of popular opinion to him.

A few days later as the coup collapsed, Gorbachev came back but really miscalculated the significance of the event, and Yeltsin took advantage of his growing popular support to consolidate his power. I took hundreds of photos at the Russian Parliament nearby and the Soviet parliament across town in the Kremlin. We really had a notion that life here was changing dramatically, almost every day. Being a child of the Cold War, I remember feeling elated and privileged to be there at that time, to witness the apparent demise of this repressive political regime.

Before the coup, Yeltsin's photographer, Dima would come by once in a while to sell me photos. On the day of the Coup however, I had an idea of putting him on exclusive contract with me, something he readily accepted since TASS, his agency, tended to bury all Yeltsin photos. But it was obvious that Yeltsin's star was rising fast, and having open access to him would be a good thing!

From the coup onwards, the job was 24/7 and my crew grew to around a dozen very able local stringers. It was such a big story. We covered everything and Paris was very, very happy. I was in the Kremlin the day Gorbachev dissolved the Communist Party, which was pretty momentous. The Soviet Union was falling apart, with conflicts and protests in the Ukraine, Georgia, Abkhazia, and many other places. We covered as much as we could and by the fall and winter of that year, food was in short supply. The ruble was nearly worthless. The major concern from the world's major powers was over control of the huge Soviet nuclear arsenal, and I sat countless times in Gorbachev's private office while various world leaders and their representatives came to offer help and get reassurances.

On Dec 25, Gorbachev signed the decree finally dissolving the USSR, and I watched as he read his speech in the Kremlin. This was a key moment, of course, but Gorbachev's relations with Yeltsin had gotten worse, and he failed to announce a peaceful transfer of power to Yeltsin, which was the moment we had all been waiting for. Yelstin was nowhere to be found, but as I stepped out of the Kremlin, I saw that the Russian flag had replaced the Soviet flag over the Kremlin. One of my stringers had caught the moment of transfer earlier that night, which won us a double page in Time magazine.

Later that night, Yeltsin's photographer called around midnight to offer me photos of Yeltsin sitting with General Shaposhnikov, the new head of the Russian Armed Forces (he had prevented an air attack on the Russian White House during the August Coup, and had been well rewarded) along with a couple of KGB experts being shown the famous briefcase which controlled the nuclear arsenal. This was a huge scoop and the two photos were played worldwide.

-- Alain-Pierre Hovasse

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